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Who's Mentally Ill? Deciding Is Often All in the Mind PDF Print E-mail
June 12, 2005
Who's Mentally Ill? Deciding Is Often All in the Mind
By BENEDICT CAREY
THE release last week of a government-sponsored
survey, the most comprehensive to date, suggests that
more than half of Americans will develop a mental
disorder in their lives. The study was the third, beginning in 1984, to suggest
a significant increase in mental illness since the
middle of the 20th century, when estimates of lifetime
prevalence ranged closer 20 or 30 percent.

But what does it mean when more than half of a society
may suffer "mental illness"? Is it an indictment of
modern life or a sign of greater willingness to deal
openly with a once-taboo subject? Or is it another
example of the American mania to give every problem a
name, a set of symptoms and a treatment - a trend,
medical historians say, accentuated by drug marketing
to doctors and patients?

Changes in societies over time, and differences across
cultures, make it extremely difficult to compare
prevalence levels of mental illness, even today.
Levels of depression in China were thought to be very
low, for example, until the Harvard anthropologist Dr.
Arthur Kleinman found in the 1980's that many Chinese
did not think or talk about mood disorders the way
Westerners do. They came to doctors or healers with
physical complaints - dizziness, headaches and other
pains that were treated as such, though in many cases
they could be diagnosed as depression. A World Health
Organization survey published in 2004 found that 2.5
percent of Chinese reported a mood disorder in the
last year, compared with a rate of 9.6 percent in the
United States.

In Japan, too, reported levels of depression tend to
be low - just over 3 percent reported a mood disorder
in the last year, in the W.H.O. survey - in part
because of a culture of stoicism, said Dr. Laurence
Kirmayer, director of social and transcultural
psychiatry at McGill University in Montreal.
Depression, after all, is not one symptom but many,
and in Japan there is strong cultural taboo against
repeated, vague complaints.

In addition, said Dr. Margaret Lock, a professor of
social studies in medicine at McGill, Japanese doctors
tend to be attentive to men's complaints of mood
problems, and dismissive of women's. The result:
depression rates are higher in men than in women, the
reverse of the United States and much of Europe.

But more than anything, historians and medical
anthropologists said, the rise in the incidence of
mental illness in America over recent decades reflects
cultural and political shifts. "People have not
changed biologically in the past 100 years," Dr.
Kirmayer said, "but the culture, our understanding of
mental illness" has changed.

That evolving understanding can have implications for
diagnoses. For example, in 1973, the American
Psychiatric Association dropped homosexuality from its
manual of mental disorders, amid a growing realization
that no evidence linked homosexuality to any mental
impairment. Overnight, an estimated four to five
million "sick" people became well.

More common, however, is for psychiatrists to add
conditions and syndromes: The association's first
diagnostic manual, published in 1952, included some 60
disorders, while the current edition now has about
300, including everything from sexual arousal
disorders to kleptomania to hyposomnia (oversleeping)
and several shades of bipolar disorder.

"The idea has been not to expand the number of people
with mental conditions but to develop a more
fine-grained understanding of those who do," said Dr.
Ronald Kessler, a professor of health care policy at
Harvard Medical School and lead author of the latest
mental health survey.

But if contemporary trends, whether scientific or
commercial, can serve to expand the franchise of
mental illness, the mores, biases and scientific
ignorance of previous centuries did much to hide it.

In the 18th and 19th centuries, doctors had far fewer
words for mental impairment - madness, hysteria,
melancholia - and estimated its incidence at somewhere
around 5 percent to 10 percent, as far as historians
can determine.

In some communities, the mentally ill were tolerated
as holy fools or village idiots. The city of Geel, in
Belgium, was particularly enlightened. There, in the
18th and 19th centuries, lunatics "could walk the
streets, engage in commerce, they would deliver food,
carry milk, they were incorporated into the society
and respected," said Dr. Theodore Millon, director of
the Institute for Advanced Studies in Personology and
Psychopathology in Coral Gables, Fla., and author of a
recent history of psychiatry and psychology, "Masters
of the Mind."

But Geel was exceptional. More typical, Dr. Millon
said, was for people considered mad or uncontrollable
to be confined, sometimes in homemade chambers called
lock boxes. They were captive, uncounted, beyond any
hope of treatment, their stories lost to history.

The behavior of millions of others who were merely
troubled, rebellious or moody was often understood -
and veiled - in religious terms, said Dr. Nancy Tomes,
a professor of medical history at the State University
of New York in Stony Brook.

Gamblers and drinkers, the excessively impulsive or
rebellious, the sexually promiscuous (especially
women) were considered sinners, deviants or possessed.
Conversely, those who denied themselves food or
comfort, or who prayed or performed ritual cleansing
repeatedly, often struck others as especially pious,
Dr. Tomes said.

As science gradually displaced religion in the
industrializing countries through the 19th century,
such behavior was increasingly seen in secular,
diagnostic terms, historians said. Excessive fasting
became anorexia; ritualized behavior was understood as
compulsive, or obsessive-compulsive.

"In some ways this is the story of the past century,
the medicalization of many behaviors that once were
seen in an entirely religious context," Dr. Tomes
said.

Beyond that, some experts are convinced that modern
life in the West - especially urban life - is more
stressful than in earlier periods, and that the
increased numbers of illnesses in the psychiatric
association's diagnostic manual is a reflection of
that fact.

Dr. Millon, who has served on panels to write and
revise the manual, tells the story of borderline
personality disorder. In the late 1970's, he was among
a small group of psychiatrists and psychoanalysts who
settled on the term "borderline" to mean people who
fell somewhere between neurotic and psychotic.

Some doctors in the room hated the term; others liked
it; several said it was meaningless. But after hours
of debate, reversals of opinion and bruised egos, the
diagnosis was born: borderline personality disorder,
to describe a needy, scattered, uncertain self, or
personality.

Borderline is now one of the most popular diagnoses in
psychiatry, an umbrella term that covers a multitude
of symptoms that all seem to point to a similar
problem.

"This is seems to me a kind of diagnosis for our age,
this complex, changing, fluid society in which young
people are not allowed to internalize a coherent
picture of who they are," Dr. Millon said. "There are
too many options, too many choices, and there's a
sense of, 'I don't know who I am - am I angry, am I
contrite, happy, sad?' It's the scattered confusion of
modern society."
 
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